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2007 - 2009

Grant number：19330107

Grant amount：\16120000 （ Direct Cost: \12400000 、 Indirect Cost：\3720000 ）

This study explores the effects of personal network and social capital on the urban local community. The dataset used here comes from the survey research in the Setagaya Ward of Tokyo in 2008 and 2009. The research in 2008 had 8,000 samples. The response rate was 65.3%. The research in 2009 had 10,000 samples. The response rate was 54.5%. Both two researches conducted in mail method, we can say the response rates reached high level. The analytical results include many interesting findings.

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4 2006 - 3 2007

Grant number：18600008

Grant type：Competitive

Grant amount：\2000000 （ Direct Cost: \1700000 、 Indirect Cost：\300000 ）

This research attempts to clarify the socio-spatial structure of the 23 Ward areas of Tokyo and its effects on the housing policy.
At first, I examine the strategic meaning of using social atlas and the sociological perspective on housing policy. Then, I analyze the socio-spatial structure by using the census data from 1985 to 2005, focusing on the population of increase and decrease, age, type of household and social stratification. Moreover, the characteristic of the spatial distribution of the house was clarified by using the house and the land statistics data. After of these, the clustering of the district was done based on these analyses of two. At last, the housing policy of each Ward is examined in the relation to the socio-spatial structure.
As a result of the examination, the transformation of the socio-spatial structure according to the trend of the re-urbanization of Tokyo is be clarified. And, I explicate that the housing policy of each Ward was in the context of the interurban competition and the public housing is reexamined.

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2003 - 2005

Grant number：15330102

Grant amount：\14600000 （ Direct Cost: \14600000 ）

This project is based on two sets of surveys. The first one was a mail survey conducted in three cities (Fukuoka, Kumamoto, and Tokushima), with the sample consisting of 9,000 randomly selected individuals, 3,000 from each city. After a pre-survey in 2003, research hypotheses were further deliberated and the questionnaire was revised for the main survey that was conducted in 2004. The primary focus of this survey was to access the determinants of individuals' personal networks. These included ecological factors (e.g., size of population and years in residence), individual attributes (e.g., sex and age), family-related variables, and socio-economic status. The analyses centered around the issues on the relationship between the population size and personal networks, an on-going debate within the discipline of urban sociology. Our survey design that employed three cities varying in population size enabled us to assess the effect of ecological factors on personal networks. Our results indicated that the larger the population size, the smaller the number of kins and neighbors were in personal networks. There was no difference among the three cities in terms of the total number of friends in networks; however, the respondents in larger cities had a greater number of friends who lived between 30 and 90 minutes from themselves, even after all other variables were controlled for.
The second set of survey was carried out in 2005. This was a case study of a community in downtown Tokyo. 300 members of a neighborhood association were interviewed using a questionnaire. In addition, intensive interviews were given to the officials of the association. Through these interviews we were able to analyze how community residents' personal networks have changed as the community went through structural changes over time.

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4 2002 - 3 2003

Grant number：14310085

Grant type：Competitive

The aim of this research is to clarify how degrees of urbanism affect the married women's work, how the personal networks can help married women decide how to work or if they can continue working or not, how much effect other circumstances like housework responsibility or possibility of using nursery services have on their decision of keeping their jobs.
1.With these aims of research, we conducted a survey at the academic year 2003(September 2003) in Fukuoka City (except Nishi-Ku) and Tokushima City, mailing a questionnaire to 2,200 samples (Age 30-49,women) in each place. Whether a woman is married or not, a married woman has a job or not, the married women's individual network system is like and how the household duties are shared between the couple are asked in the questionnaire. We have received 754 valid answers in Fukuoka City and 874 in Tokushima City.
2.In the academic year 2004,we analyzed the data. The major findings from the analysis, whose details are described in ‘A Report on Research Results', are ;
(1)In Tokushima City, more married women who have children work. That is, the lower the degree of urbanism is, the bigger the number of mothers with having jobs is. The ratio of mothers having jobs is 68.0% for Fukuoka and 74.3% for Tokushima, and the difference was significant.
(2)In this finding, we are convinced that the rule of Douglas-Arisawa works. (High income of spouses prevents housewives from having jobs)
(3)The factors enabling the married women in Tokushima City to work are there is less social movement and there are many 3-generation-families.
(4)Other factors are that kin networks which can provide nursery services are more developed there.
(These((3)(4)) mean that living with couples' parent(s) and having more kin networks promote housewives to having jobs.)
(5)More women who have graduated from national universities have job than those who have graduated from private universities.

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4 2001 - 3 2002

Grant number：13610226

Grant type：Competitive

The purpose of the research is to elucidate the transfiguration of the areas in Tokyo 60 km zone. We used the data according to municipalities of the national census and analyzed the themes on urban-cycle by population changes, household, housing, educational background, industry / occupation, gender and so on. As a result, we got the following six findings. 1)Llban-cycle of Tokyo 60 km zone shifted from the "accelerating centralization" stage to the "decelerating centralization" stage before to World War II. In passing through the "accelerating suburbanization" stage in the economic high-growth period from the "decelerating centralization" stage after World War II, it entered the "decelerating suburbanization" stage after the oil crunch. With concentration of the main functions to Tokyo, it turned back to the "accelerating suburbanization" stage in 1985-90. It shifted to the "accelerating centralization" stage in 1995-2000 through passing the "decelerating suburbanization" stage in 1990's again. And furthermore, the time lag in urban-cycle was seen between the sectors. 2)On the ratio of population of 0-14 years old and that of the "swelling index", the differences between the areas decrease, while on that of population of 65 years old and over and that of single householdthe, the differences between the areas increase. 3)Since 1975, it became clear that the difference of the number of people between an own house household and a rented house household was bigger in the suburbs (particularly the west suburbs) than in the otherareas. 4)Since 1960 to 1970, there was a core area where the ratio of population with higher educational background (i.e.male university graduates and female junior college graduates) was high. But, such an area has reduced and was, leveling out. 5)Because of the influence of the development plan, it was not all of areas, a change of residential distribution occurred in Tokyo 60 km zone. 6)The distribution of labor includes a difference of spacial distribution by gender. Because of the conversion to the tertiary industry, the increase of employees and the entrance' into labor market of women, the differences between areas are reducing and are leveling out.

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4 1999 - 3 2000

Grant number：11301008

Grant type：Competitive

The purpose of this study is to clarify the transformation of spatial structure of Tokyo Metropolitan area during 20 years. Since Oil Crisis, Tokyo has experienced some big social changes like bubble economy, post-industrialization, informationalization, and aging. Those social changes have appeared as the changes of spatial structure of Tokyo Metropolitan area. Social changes on economy and industry have made some transformations of spatial structure by changing the distribution of resources people had needed. Therefore, social area analyses have been adopted to find those social changes of modern Tokyo.
Data were collected from Population Census, National Census of Establishments, Voter Turnouts, Who's who, Yellow page, Report of Crimes and Traffic Accidents, and Person Trip Research. The results of analyses of population and family status showed that "suburb as the area where people had borne and grown children" had disappeared until 1990. The results of analyses of social stratification showed that the white collar workers located in the central part of the Tokyo Metropolitan area, on the other hand, the blue collar workers located on the fringes.

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1998 - 1999

Grant number：10410049

Grant amount：\8200000 （ Direct Cost: \8200000 ）

The aim of this research is to clarify how degrees of urbanism affect a couple's individual network system and how a wife's employment interrelates with the couple's network system and urbanism.
1. With these aims of research, we conducted a survey at the end of academic year 1998 (March, 1999) in Fukuoka City, Okayama city and Tokushima City, mailing a questionnaire to 700 samples in each place. Whether a wife has a job or not, what a couple's individual network system is like and how the household duties are shared between the couple are asked in the questionnaire. The subject was all female ranging between 30 to 49 years old. 851 answers (40.5%) were collected, of which 835 (39.8%) were effective.
2. In the academic year 1999, we analyzed the data. The major findings from the analysis, whose details are described in 'A Report on Research Results', are; (1)the lower the degree of urbanism is, the bigger the number of mothers with full-time employment is. The ratio was 10.4% for Fukuoka, 16.4% for Okayama and 23.4% for Tokushima and the difference was significant. (2)the factors enabling the mothers in Tokushima to work full-time are there is less social movement and they have their own kin living in less than 30 minutes' travel. (There was no significant difference in the corresponding number of husbands' kin living nearby.) The high rate of mothers who have a profession or who work for public offices should be also included. (3)more mothers turned out to be employed whose own mothers had work when they entered an elementary school. (4)women's desire to work or not, is not consistent, and their desire to work (or not) after marriage is subject be regulated by the modes of their husbands' work.

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