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4 2013 - 3 2017

Grant number：25285037

Grant amount：\18200000 （ Direct Cost: \14000000 、 Indirect Cost：\4200000 ）

This research project asserted the importance of comparative studies between the political development of modern Japan and that of the European non-model countries. It aimed to compare 1) the process of establishment of Party-Government in Japan with that of parliamentary government in Northern Europe, 2) the pattern of governmental changes of the Japanese Party-Governments with that of oligarchic parliamentarianism in Southern or Southeastern Europe, 3) the establishment of authoritarian regimes in Japan and Southern or East-Central Europe, 4) the formation of post-war predominant party systems in the context of centralized welfare states in Japan, France and Italy. Through nine Meetings on the Comparative European Political History, which gathered Japanese and European political historians, we have done several surveys on the relevant themes in comparative politics, the evaluation of the works of pioneers in the field of historical political science, and individual researches.

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4 2012 - 3 2017

Grant number：24243021

Grant amount：\44980000 （ Direct Cost: \34600000 、 Indirect Cost：\10380000 ）

Alteration between the conservaitve and the progressive in advanced democracies in the second half of the 20th century functioned until the 1990s. Switch between parties brought about policy shift that absobed popular will for political or policy change.
However, development of global capitalism undermined economic presumption for political stability in the 21st century. In particular, deterioration of employment and expansion of gap have made ordinary middle class frustrated with moderate party politics. In this context, populism with extreme leaders might be threat to the very basic values of democracy and open society. Realignment of rational parites beyond traditional confrontation line might become necessary to defend democracy in the 21st cenntury.

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4 2011 - 3 2014

Grant number：23402019

Grant amount：\18590000 （ Direct Cost: \14300000 、 Indirect Cost：\4290000 ）

This project explored the transformation of democratic structures in Europe under multiple-level governance, especially since 2009 when the Lisbon Treaty came into force but the Euro crisis was also taking place. Through our surveys sent to researchers and experts/representatives as well as our case studies on the European Union, the Member States, and some cities, we have come to the following conclusion.
1. Cognition of multiple-level governance and belonging/identity are broadly found among both researchers and experts/representatives.2. More impacts of the EU and the Member States levels but less influence of the sub-national level are observed in many policy areas such as economy, finance, social policy, environment, energy, security, except for education.3. The opinion is divided in half about the impact of the Euro crisis-whether it will drive forward more integration or it will slow down integration to rescue it.

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4 2011 - 3 2014

Grant number：23330043

Grant amount：\12090000 （ Direct Cost: \9300000 、 Indirect Cost：\2790000 ）

What explains institutional reforms to enhance government accountability? This research attempted to address this question by examining accountability reforms which had advanced in many parts of the world. Specifically, the goal of this research was three-fold. First, we revisited the concept of accountability, and provided a clear definition in order to avoid conceptual confusion. Second, we examined what kinds of institutions had been established to generate four types of accountability: electoral accountability, horizontal accountability, societal accountability, and international accountability. Third, by focusing on the cases of the United States, EU, Eastern Europe, Latin America, Japan, and Southeast Asia, we found factors promoting institutional reforms of each type of accountability.

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4 2011 - 3 2014

Grant number：23243029

Grant amount：\39780000 （ Direct Cost: \30600000 、 Indirect Cost：\9180000 ）

We have challenged to seek a possibility of the Global Asian Studies by analyzing the following issues: the volatility of nation-states, the linkage of domestic and international politics, the civil-society building and international society and the critique of theories of civil society from Asian perspectives.
Two international symposiums were held in collaboration with Japan Association for Asian Studies: "The Role of China" (July 8, 2012) and "Asian Studies beyond Borders: Where do we come from? Where are we going?"(June 15, 2013). Between Civil Society and State: the Agenda for Global Asia will be published as a special issue of Area Studies from Kyoto University in October 2014.

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2007 - 2011

Grant number：19103001

Grant amount：\98540000 （ Direct Cost: \75800000 、 Indirect Cost：\22740000 ）

This research project tackled the most serious challenge to democracy in the age when traditional democratic politics appears paralyzed in face of tremendous difficulties caused by collapse of globalized financial capitalism. Candemocracy survive and remain relevant to public issues? Our answer to this big problem is following : We can create a new model of welfare state towards 21^<st> century crisis by placing public services for activation delivered by civic spontaneity on the basis of minimum redistribution by the traditional institutions.

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2008 - 2010

Grant number：20243013

Grant amount：\30030000 （ Direct Cost: \23100000 、 Indirect Cost：\6930000 ）

This project aimed to deconstruct and reconstruct International Politics and International Relations, referring to analytical concepts and theoretical frameworks of Gender Studies. We have analyzed states and societies at various stages of development from gender perspective and proposed a hypothesis of "gender dynamics" of International Regime.

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2007 - 2009

Grant number：19530112

Grant amount：\4290000 （ Direct Cost: \3300000 、 Indirect Cost：\990000 ）

This research project approached the development of global party internationals, by investigating five party internationals and six Euro parties. The main purpose of this was to understand their future potential and to evaluate the normative significance of their presence. Final outcomes of this research project were twofold. One was to show a research strategy to grasp interactions between party internationals and national parties, by incorporating the studies of transformative identity politics of national parties into Oskar Niedermayer's three evolutionary stages of international political parties' fora. The other was to propose the perspective of a normative theory that interactions between party internationals and national parties were one of significant political phenomena that contributes to giving shape to cosmopolitan democracy.

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2005 - 2008

Grant number：17203013

Grant amount：\47060000 （ Direct Cost: \36200000 、 Indirect Cost：\10860000 ）

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2006 - 2007

Grant number：18530090

Grant amount：\3890000 （ Direct Cost: \3500000 、 Indirect Cost：\390000 ）

This joint research project titled “Politics of Exclusion and Inclusion- Crossing, Identity, and Hope" aims to examine the political dynamics of "exclusion and inclusion" territorially, functionally and primordially provided by the state, law, politics, religion, race, and social class contending over the plurality of nationality citizenship, community, intimate sphere, and gender. It also pursues the possibility of "politics of Hope" nurtured by the solidarity and tolerance bared not on Mammon but on the 'humanity".
This year (2007), each investigator applying himself or herself to the study of "politics of exclusion and inclusion" aimed at completing a research paper based on his or her reports presented during last year (2006). Our final fruit was published as The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 2007-II: Politics of Exclusion and Inclusion by Bokutakusha in December, 2007. Into this book each investigator has put his or her strong hope for developing political science over “Hope" to be opened up for the future.

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2005 - 2007

Grant number：17252008

Grant amount：\19240000 （ Direct Cost: \14800000 、 Indirect Cost：\4440000 ）

Our studies tried to compare the international migration politics of EU and those of East Asia from the viewpoint of human rights and clarify the differences and their problems. In recent years, the number of influx of foreign workers and brides increased considerably in Japan and Korea as well as in Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. However, differing from the EU countries, in these countries the term of stay of foreign workers is short, application of labor law is sometimes limited and particularly the female workers in domestic works and care giving remain in worse conditions. And in certain countries, for example in Singapore, foreign workers are not admitted neither to marry with a national nor to acquire the nationality, and are thus forbidden to access to the citizenship of their staying country. On the other, the massive entry of Chinese workers into Japan in the name of “trainees"(kenshusei) constitute a salient migratory movement in East Asia results in the formation of a category of temporary workers working and living in worst conditions.
Our studies, based on the field work researches, pointed out the three major factors which define the problems mentioned above : 1) too pragmatic and“national interest oriented“immigration politics of these countries, 2) non participation into or negligence of international treaties on human rights and workers rights, 3) relative weakness of the civil activities for the human rights. In these points, Asian countries should and could learn from the immigration and integration politics of EU countries, such as the politics of free circulation of person, the guarantee of the rights of social protection and the easier access to the citizenship, etc. However, nowadays European countries themselves are weakening their human rights regime of immigration and integration in limiting, for example, the right of free movement of EU citizens after the enlargement of EU in 2004 and imposing more severe requirement of assimilation upon the immigrants demanding long stay. In this sense, EU is also faced with the problems concerning the reconstruction of its own human rights regime.

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2004 - 2006

Grant number：16330025

Grant amount：\13300000 （ Direct Cost: \13300000 ）

This collaborative project is aimed to empirically and theoretically study political corruption, clientelism and social capital, dealing with Japan, South Korea, Italy, France, Southern European countries, Middle-Eastern European countries as objects of comparative study.
We can treat the distinction between corruption and clientelism with much care, but we cannot toe a conventional line of reasoning regarding clientelism as a mere residue of late modernization. At the same time we should not take the optimistic view that corruption can be conquered by the exploits of clientelism. Very little of this kind of study has considered corruption and clientelism as structural and institutional products of interweaving forms of symbiosis and collision-course power structures that arise from the various demands of capital accumulation (capitalism), rationalization (bureaucracy), and political participation (democracy).
This joint study analyses key aspects of the debate such as, should corruption and clientelism be evaluated as a 'lubricant' in terms of administrative efficiency, legitimate demands from the margins of society to readdress the social and economic inequality or economic development? Should they be understood as the result of a 'vicious circle' reinforced by lack of 'social capital' or 'moral capital'? What would be the effect of strengthening policing to control political corruption and could electoral reform or a decentralization of government power be a cure for all?
Using a range of theoretical approaches and empirical proofs, all of us strive to survey the historical, institutional, societal-structural and political-cultural factors that form corrupted and clientelistic practices and to answer the above-mentioned questions.
A symposia about comparing political corruption and clientelism offered as one panel of RC06 (Political Sociology) Section at 2006 International Political Science Association held in Fukuoka, Japan (July 10, 2006) has made important contributions to this work. We also published Comparing Political Corruption and Clientelism by Ashgate Publishing Ltd. (UK) in April, 2006.
We are convinced that finding acquired in this joint work will contribute to make our democracies work better.

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2002 - 2003

Grant number：14520005

Grant amount：\3600000 （ Direct Cost: \3600000 ）

This two year Research Project was formed by Tamio Nakamura who served as the Head Investigator for the financial year 2002. Due to his research commitment in England for the financial year 2003, the Head Investigator was replaced later by Kenji Hirashima. Nakamura is not mentioned as project member of 2003 in this abstract for this technical reason. Since substantial part of the research was completed and published in the first financial year (2002), it is fair to mention and include Nakamura's contribution to this Project.
The European Union (EU) of today covers not only economic matters but also broader political matters, while its institutional settings remain those of the European Economic Community (EEC) established in 1957. Our starting point of this research was to examine whether the mismatch does give rise to legitimacy regulation. Those studies revealed that the mismatch did exist and it has produced grave legitimacy crisis in some cases. The legislative process of the Biotechnology products Patent Directive was particularly the case in point. Our investigation then proceeded to find any unofficial, de-facto, practices by the interested parties at the EU level that are intended to supplement the mismatch so that the essential and legitimate concerns were taken into consideration in the EU decision-making, especially in cross-sector policy issues. We have found several de facto networks and semi-official arrangements of such kind, in the areas of environmental policy and chemical industry regulation.
Based on these findings, we finally tried to theorize the whole picture of the institutional evolution of the EU governance that tries to meet the new cross-sector policy issues. It is argued that the EU has developed two different kinds of policy input routes: official route and de-facto specialized route closely linked to, but separate from the official route. The latter grows among the repeated participants in the official negotiation. And the incremental practices of the de-facto route may be formally recognized by the Member States to form an official institutional route after several years of practice when the Member States fin that recognition beneficial to the present official EU system to keep the system stable.

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2002 - 2003

Grant number：14320029

Grant amount：\12600000 （ Direct Cost: \12600000 ）

This joint research has dealt with political corruption and clientelism of the developed countries (Japan, Korea, Italy, and the Nordic countries) and of the EU from a comparative perspective.
While corruption is primarily characterized by its illegality, independence and horizontality aomong corrupted actors are not uncommon. On the other hand, clientelism largely takes on asymmetric, subordinate, vertical, and even legal ties.
A line of modernization theory, not having paid much attention to the distinction between them, has assumed that corruption and clientelism reflect a pre modern social structure and could be referred to as pathologic phenomenon of the political system.
All of us have been seriously engaged in their theoretical and / or positive researches. This academic endeavor as a whole produced the following findings : modernization theory cannot well grasp the gist of corruption problem, namely the permeated corrupted actions as "hidden" and "negative" exchanges even in the, advanced countries and the EU ; corruption appears as a variety of actions like bribery, embezzment, fraud,oblique voting, vote buying, patronage, and violated corruption among political parties, factions, politicians, bureaucrats, corporations, and organized cirmes (e. g., mafia) mainly in the interest mediation and in the eelctoral process severe punishment, strengthening legal restriction, eudcating officials morally, reform of electoral system, and decentralization of government power are not sufficiently effective for controlling corruption.

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2001 - 2002

Grant number：13620080

Grant amount：\1100000 （ Direct Cost: \1100000 ）

This study is to investigate European societies and politics in terms of "social capital," an important concept in the field of contemporary comparative politics developed above all by Robert A. Putnam. Putnam assumed that a "strong society" with firm social capital like voluntary associations, mutual trust would lead to a "strong state" and a "strong economy," as have often been claimed in the American context. But our findings, based on comparison between the European Union, Germany, France, Southern and Northern Europe, show many different sets of logics behind the civil societies and the public spaces. First, in the European context, not only the social capital but also those things which can be termed "political capital" (partisan organization and sub-cultures) and "institutional capital" such as welfare states and semi-public intermediate channels (which "neo-Huntingtonians" put emphases on) have built comprehensive interdependent/interlocking structures in the public spaces. Second, Internalionalization/Europeanization has ambivalent repercussions on the social capital and democracy. In a case like Germany, the tradition of social (organization) coordination is revived partly in the EU governance structure. On the contrary, fiscal standardization and even the programs of raising civil society activities and NGOs make risk of derogation of autonomous development of civil societies in cases like Central and South Eastern Europe.

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1993 - 1994

Grant number：05620044

Grant amount：\2000000 （ Direct Cost: \2000000 ）

The purpose of this research is to investigato the center-local relation in the Scandinavian countrics and in Japan not only in administrative dimension but also in politico-historical dimension. An important finding from quantitative data is that the scandinavian sates have experienced drastic reduction of Kommuns, which resulted in creating local governments with sufficient resources to provide universal welfare. This makes contrast with the Japanese consolidated state organzsation, which has been said to have an flexible local center-local relation but otherwise seems to suffer from irrersponsible government relations and clientelism.
Our conclusion is that the nordic model of local government has shaped by the discretional plan of the social democratic parties. Those plan emanated from f social architecture envisaged during the war by the swedish population policy or the nowegian counter plan of the excil labor movement against Nazi-occupated regime. But the pressure for decentralization and privatization is making change on this welfare localism planned by the social democratic centralism.

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