Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)  

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)  

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)  

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)  

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)  

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)   Publisher：岩波書店  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publishing type：Research paper (other academic)  

researchmap

Language：Japanese  

DOI： 10.14989/154213

CiNii Article

researchmap

Other Link： http://hdl.handle.net/2433/154213

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：メトロポリタン史学会  

CiNii Article

researchmap

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：青木書店  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：水資源・環境学会  

DOI： 10.6012/jwei.28.98

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：三田史学会  

type:text
はじめに
故馬公墓誌銘の謎
ムスリムとして生まれた和
西洋に下る
南シナ海域から見た和の遠征
和の墓参
おわりに
論文

CiNii Article

researchmap

Other Link： http://id.ndl.go.jp/bib/025527905

Language：Japanese   Publisher：THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY SOCIETY  

DOI： 10.20624/sehs.80.1_108

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点（ICIS）  

CiNii Article

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：公益財団法人 史学会  

DOI： 10.24471/shigaku.119.1_94

CiNii Article

researchmap

researchmap

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：霞山会  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese  

Various studies in recent years have indicated that the so-called "prosperous age" 盛世 of the mid-Qing of the 18th century was brought to a close by the ecological limits of exploitation. In order to explore this issue historically, it is necessary to clarify the perceptions of the people at the time of the ecological limits of exploitation. The responses to the ecological limits of exploitation during the Qing dynasty were shaped by three factors pulling in different directions, i.e., the prohibition of access to natural resources, fengjin 封禁, the promotion of planned development, kaicai 開採, and the deregulation of the prohibition to the access to natural resources, chijin 馳禁. I have attempted to clarify the perceptual systems that upheld arguments for each response and their relations to the methods of administrative policy. The Tongtangshan 銅塘山 dealt with in this article was called a "prohibited mountain, " because access to its resources was prohibited during the Ming dynasty in order to preserve public peace. The policy of prohibiting development was carried on during the Qing. When the rule of emperor Qianlong commenced, even the officials of the central government became conscious of the rise in the cost of food, and the planned development of natural resources began to be advocated. Receiving these demands from the central government, Chen Hongmou 陳弘謀, who was known as a capable bureaucrat, submitted a plan for the development of Tongtangshan to the throne. He deciphered the complex geography of the mountainous region and proposed the cultivation of crops suited to each environment. The crux of Chen's development plan was to limit those who were to reclaim the land to local residents. His aim was to transform the mountainous land into sustainable property, heng-ye 恆業. Within Chen Hongmou's argument for deregulation, his writings on the mountainous areas are quite detailed. He pointed out that it was possible to develop the land according to the character of the terrain and to cultivate crops, and that much wealth could be created by choosing crops that could be introduced under mountainous conditions. Chen's argument had been supported by the methods of administration built up while he served as the provincial governor, xunfu 巡撫, of Jiangxi. He determined regional administrative policy after receiving reports of investigations of local conditions and maps that he had commissioned by the magistrates of the localities that were under his jurisdiction. The administrative methods developed in the administration of Jiangxi were fully deployed in Shaanxi，his next assignment. By comparing the categories in the reports issued shortly after his appointment to Jiangxi and those after taking office in Shaanxi, one sees that he had deepened his awareness of the development of mountainous regions while ruling in Jiangxi. It is clear, for example, that he had come to grasp the vegetation of mountainous regions and had become intensely aware of the necessity of its link to land rights. The policies that Chen issued in regard to planned development were not the traditional agronomism grounded Confucian thought. They were intended to solve the "food" problem by providing the people the power to buy and sell land in order to promote commercial activity. The development of mountainous lands was not simply aimed at increasing the volume of arable land; it was also intended to put the various resources of the forests to use in establishingindustry. The argument that Chen Hongmou advanced for planned development was, nevertheless, never put into practice. A summary of the dangers as they would have been construed by local officials in regard to the development of the mountainous regions would probably include the following. In developing mountainous regions, local financing would prove inadequate, and it would be necessary for commercial capital from outside the region to provide funding. In order to seek profit beyond a fixed level, commercial capital would then promote development on scale greater than the level that had been envisioned by Chen Hongmou. This sort of development could not be sustained by the local populace. Therefore, a labor force would flow into the area, and the local food sources would be unable to support them. So the arguments must have gone, and the prohibition on the access to the resources of Tongtangshan continued. As the years went by, the policy of prohibiting access to resources grew increasingly hollow. Living in an area adjacent to the prohibited region became an advantage, as people willfully violated the border in order to develop new lands and burned or cut the woods at will. The monies attained in this manner would be paid to the soldiers and offcials who were ostensibly guarding the lands. The prohibited areas were whittled away by development from the surrounding territories. With the coming of the 19th century and change in the era name to Jiaqing, the argument for deregulation came to be instituted in the form of a confirmation of the existing reality. This argument was not advanced with any conception of promoting sustainable industries. Its institution was no more than as a stopgap remedy for the current situation. Although conscious of the problem, it had been nearly impossible for the bureaucratic apparatus to relax the prohibition that had been in place for hundreds of years. The prohibition on access to Tongtangshan was finally removed in 1869 after Taipingtianguo. By this time the capacity of the environment had already been degraded by unplanned development. The reason that Chen Hongmou was able to perceive the possibility of developing the Tongtangshan area can be laid to the fact that it was grounded on his knowledge of the environmental capacity of Tongtangshan, which he had attained in his capacity of a bureaucrat and not as an individual person. Through communications with local officials in reports etc., a functional and substantive bureaucratic organization was formed with the provincial governor at its hub and district magistrates at the outer rim. Chen by taking in information generated by local officials created a bureaucratic organization able to adapt to ever changing realities. Regional officials other than Chen who advocated a policy of prohibition could only perceive the capacity of the environment before their own eyes and could not conceive of how the scene might be changed by human intervention. The cause for this may be discovered in the fact most regional officials were organized in the standard bureaucratic structure that only served to convey the will of superiors on down to inferiors. Whether capacity of the environment could be preserved or not depended on whether the potentialities of development of the land could be perceived. In the case of Tongtangshan, unplanned developed proceeded because the successor to Chen Hongmou could not perceive its potential, and the capacity of the environment was degraded. In contrast, Jiulingshan 九嶺山 in Jiangxi was, like Tongtangshan, designated a prohibited mountain due to consideration of public order during the Ming. But the fact that the target area possessed the potential for development was clear to residents of other regions because prior to the designation, areas of cultivation had already existed, the right to the profits had been established, and a tax burden created. The implementation of the policy of prohibiting access to resources awakened a realization that by venturing to abandon this potential, it might profit the local society. In the district in which Jiulingshan was located, the amount of tax based on the potentiality of development of the prohibited area was paid instead on the basis of the entire area owned by all those with a tax burden. As a result, a public consciousness regarding the prohibited land was born, and the prohibition on access was maintained. The central area of Jiulingshan is even today a designated nature reserve. Although the policy of prohibition to the access of resources was implemented in regard to the environmental potential of Tongtangshan, those recourses were gobbled up by interlopers from other regions. The reason for this was that regional officials and elites were unable to perceive the value of mountainous lands. If they had perceived the creation of economic value through planned development, the residents of the region would have shouldered the burden of development themselves and attained regular employment in the mountains. Others, precisely because they realized there was such value and yet ventured to abandon economic profit, were able to preserve values other than economic ones, such as social stability. In the study of the history of the environment, the prohibition of access to resources has often been judged as preservation of the environment. However, to determine whether it was possible to maintain the prohibition over time, one must pursue the implementation of the policy within the reality of methods of administration and tax burden in each historical period. The study of the ecological history must be investigated within the historical circumstances.

DOI： 10.14989/155449

CiNii Article

researchmap

Other Link： http://hdl.handle.net/2433/155449

Language：Japanese   Publisher：学習院大学  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：Japan Legal History Association  

DOI： 10.5955/jalha.1997.305

CiNii Article

researchmap

Other Link： http://id.ndl.go.jp/bib/4517517

Publisher：岩波書店  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY SOCIETY  

DOI： 10.20624/sehs.64.4_587

CiNii Article

researchmap

Publisher：山川出版社  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese  

DOI： 10.14989/154353

CiNii Article

researchmap

Other Link： http://hdl.handle.net/2433/154353

Language：Japanese   Publisher：THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY SOCIETY  

This article which is the first part of the demographic and eco-historical study on southeast China during the Ming-Qing period analyses three genealogies of the higher-order lineages inhabiting Shanyin (山陰), Zhuji (諸曁) and Jiangshan (江山) counties in order to estimate the degree to which the seasonal cycle influenced the mortality. Depending on these genealogies which give us the information on the date when the member of the lineages died, we can calculate the monthly fluctuations in death for every term of fifty years from 1451 to 1850 (tables 1, 2, 3). The range of indicators is very wide in the first three terms (1451-1600), but on the other hand we can find little fluctuations after 1750. This change in the pattern of mortality indicates that a demographic revolution occurred in seventeenth century. Each graph (figures 2, 3, 4) which illustrates the monthly fluctuations in death for each lineage before 1650 has two peaks and two troughs; the graph for the Shanyin Zhu (朱) lineage has troughs in the 5th-6th and the 11th-1st months of lunar calendar, that of the Zhuji Zhong (鐘) has troughs in the 6th and the 12th-1st months, and that of the Jiangshan Mao (毛) has troughs in the 5th and the 9th months. The pattern of the graph reflects the agricultural cycle of the area where each lineage lived. Shanyin where the Zhu lineage was located was in the corner of the Ningpo-Shaoxing Plain where peasants had two harvests, early and late rice crops, in the 5th-6th and 11th months of the lunar calendar. Zhuji county consisted of hills and alluvial flat which were suited to the rotation of rice and winter wheat reaped in the 6th month. Jiangshan county was a mountainous district where late rice and winter wheat were planted. The death rate dropped just after harvest times. There is little point in focusing research efforts on why the pattern of mortality changed in seventeenth century, since cause and effect were interwined in a very complex relationship within the social structure which it is almost impossible to disentangle, What we sould examine is relationship between the demographic revolution and various phenomena, for example, the structural change of lineage and administration, the introduction of New World crops, the improvement of the monetary economy and the damage to the ecological environment.

DOI： 10.20624/sehs.54.2_222

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：公益財団法人 史学会  

DOI： 10.24471/shigaku.96.2_248

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：一般社団法人中国研究所  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：公益財団法人 史学会  

DOI： 10.24471/shigaku.94.6_1085

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：一般社団法人中国研究所  

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：The Historical Society of Japan  

DOI： 10.24471/shigaku.92.5_761

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY SOCIETY  

The gazetteer for Zhongyi xiang (忠義郷志) in Fenghua county contains a survey conducted in 1898 which records the names, numbers of households and members of lineages that immigrated to villages in this district, and the places that they emigrated from. By examining this data we can gain more information on immigration and its process, and the condition of regional development in Zhongyi xiang. Immigration differed according to historical periods. Lineaged that immigrated to Zhongyi xiang between the Tang periods came from relatively distant places such as Fujian, North China etc. By contrast during the Song dynasty the proportion of lineages that emigrated from other areas in the Zhedong (浙東) region increased, and during the Ming most of the immigrants were branch lineages from lineage groups within Fenghua county. During the first half of the Qing dynasty there was a sudden increase in immigrants from the commercial city of Ningbo and market towns in its environs. This change occurred because Zhongyi xiang had been drawn into a market sphere centered on Ningbo and the increase in merchant activities. During the later half of the Qing many shed people (棚民) moved into the mountainous parts of Zhongyi xiang. The history of the opening up of this area can be divided in the following way. During the Tang period land development began at the bottom of the mountains by using small rivers which flow down the slopes for irrigation, and in the Song period local landlords increased the amount of agricultural land by building embankments on the coast. In the Ming on big development projects were undertaken, but small scale waterways were built within the bounds of the land opened up during the Song. In the first half of the Qing land development was mainly conducted by the gentry who turned more of the coastal areas into agricultural land. The composition of lineages and social relations in villages during the late Qing was closely related to the process of immigration and land development described above. Villages established in the Tang period strongly exhibited the characteristics of a lineage village, and in villages set up on the coast during the Song there were unions between several lineage groups which had strong tie to the local area. It is assumed that this is due to the fact that villages in the Song were established by large scale irrigation works and it was necessary for residents in this area to co-operate with one another and jointly provide the funds for maitaining the irrigation facilities.

DOI： 10.20624/sehs.49.2_143

CiNii Article

researchmap

Language：Japanese   Publisher：The Historical Society of Japan  

This article deals with the nature and social relationship of "Bully Groups" (ta-hang 打行 and chiao-fu 脚夫) in prefecture, county, market cities and towns. Ta-hang as a group were controlled by a leader who employed their forces in private disputes, guarding plaintiffs or defendants in a court case, and robbed peasants of their crops and handicraft products which the latter carried in to sell at market towns (chen 鎮). In such work they were employed by a wide range of people, but their strongest permanent ties were to the urban elites or "men of influence at the prefectural county level" (i.e. gentry 郷紳). Since such influential people were closely connected with prefectural and county administration, their tie with urban "Bully Groups", was that of protector-client, master-sarvant relationship. But these "Bully Groups" had their own means of finding work and did not completely rely upon urban elites. By the mid-Ch'ing period these ta-hang that appeared in the late Ming period had cesased to function as bullies employed by other people and had turned into organised gangsters. Chiao-fu were carriers employed in shipping and discharging at marriage and funeral ceremonies. In the early Ch'ing period such carrier groups were able to demand exorbitant prices for their services through the use of violence. On account of such abuses "men of influence at the market town level" who dominated urban society by providing money for bridges, buildings etc., took the lead in exercising control over these unruly chiao-fu. For example men of influence in Chiang-wan chen 江湾鎮 attributed the abuses of chiao-fu to their semi-unemployed state, and raised funds from the propertied class in the market town to provide them with allowances. The growth of urban "Bully Groups" was based on the following two preconditions ; first, class- differentiation of the peasntry, and second, their having a means of living in a city. The second condition was fulfilled by the growth of commerce and increase in number of landowners who lived in prefectural or county capitals.

DOI： 10.24471/shigaku.90.11_1619

CiNii Article

researchmap

Total pages：425p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：vi, 251, 4p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：233p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：ii, 130 p.   Language：English

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：84p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：469p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：3, 3, 3, 189p   Language：Chinese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：429p   Language：Chinese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：224p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：372p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：224p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：viii, 259p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：viii, 509p, 図版[8]p   Language：Chinese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：350p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：224p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：242p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：xxiii, 178p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：206p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：90p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：406p, 図版 [5] p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：526p, 図版 [7] p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：132p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：12冊  

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：198p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Language：Japanese Book type：Other

researchmap

Total pages：vii, 313p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：viii, 259p, 図版 [2] p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Language：Japanese Book type：Other

researchmap

Total pages：viii, 300p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：56p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Language：Japanese Book type：Other

researchmap

Total pages：vi, 288p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：618p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：384p, 図版   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：249p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Language：Japanese Book type：Other

researchmap

Language：Japanese Book type：Other

researchmap

Total pages：384p, 図版   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：xiii, 307p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：xiv, 307, 5p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：xii, 254p   Language：Japanese

CiNii Books

researchmap

Language：Japanese Book type：Other

researchmap

Total pages：2冊  

CiNii Books

researchmap

Total pages：冊  

CiNii Books

researchmap